Saturday, January 15, 2011
Predictions on Pakistan in 2011- Khaled Ahmed
Predicting the coming year is an annual ritual of repeating clichés about Pakistan. No coming year has been better than the past year and that has happened over the past six decades. This pattern is embedded in Pakistan’s ‘certainty’ about its pre-modern ideology and its inability to suit it to modern times. But some immediate economic fallout from our dishonest internecine politicians – led by the big party PMLN who knows better – will ruin the first half of the year for us. The rest will be ruined by our religion with more judges passing religious verdicts and the clergy growling at the state for not taking on the world which sustains it through trade and handouts.
Want hara-kiri? Go for economic populism: Adjusting fuel prices has never been popular. Anywhere in the world price hikes are unpopular and unseat governments. (But in France and the UK, oppositions have been voting with the government for ‘tough decisions’.) In Pakistan too the PPP government has been forced to take back the price hike by the opposition which threatened to unseat it. Earlier the opposition did the same sort of thing with the RGST. Both times the PPP has dug its own grave by kowtowing. It will disembowel itself in the coming months through economics, which is what the opposition wants.
The government took back a 9 percent rise in oil price, triggering the budget deficit about which the State Bank has been crying itself hoarse. The oil will be subsidised to the tune of Rs 5 billion a month, setting the country on the path of building another circular debt, making it economically unviable for a purblind PMLN when it comes to power with its testicles in the inflationary grinder. The budget deficit will cross 8 percent of the GDP and no amount of cosmetic cutting down of ministries will bring employment in a landscape where the employer is shutting shop and preparing to leave for the UAE.
Year of French Revolution or ‘bloody revolution’? The 2008 decision to peg domestic oil prices to the international ones has been overturned by political parties stricken blind by fate. The mullah hates the economy but the PMLN knew what it was doing while putting the muffler on Ishaq Dar who knew that Mian Sahib was putting the blade to the party’s midriff by going along with illiterate Altaf Hussain ordering his MQM to stage a French Revolution. Shahbaz Sharif has been seeing a less outlandish ‘bloody revolution’ on the cards. He may want it to come in 2011 with Al Qaeda making him go to South Punjab and bend the knee to that destroyer of all economies, and a seller of religious Viagra to the masses, Aiman Al Zawahiri.
The politician has taken revenge on the economy additionally by not letting the government enforce the RGST it had promised the IMF. He takes an evil pleasure in spiting the US, Pakistan’s biggest trading partner and biggest sheller-out of assistance bucks, and thumbing his nose at the IMF, the only source of cheap money with which to buy Pakistan’s imports and maintain its credit-rating. The clergy grows tumescent seeing the politicians go through this routine of self-evisceration. Last time we went through this ritual was when the nation got a collective tumescence testing the nuclear device in 1998. The following day the economy was belly-up.
Print money and die: If the opposition wants the PPP government out because there is too much inflation, wait till the recall of the RGST and oil subsidy have their effect. Pakistan had entered a 25-month $11.3 billion Stand-by Arrangement (SBA) with IMF in November 2008. The arrangement was supposed to end in January 2011, but the IMF postponed the disbursement of the 6th tranche worth $1.7 billion in August because Islamabad did not impose the RGST. Now we are on a nine-month reprieve but the year 2011 will see Pakistan once again flat-footed in the face of street threats.
Pakistan will print more money and the rupee will go through the floor. The revenue estimate in Pakistan is Rs 700 billion but the government has already borrowed Rs 15,000 billion and the first months of 2011 will see the State Bank struggling to keep the rupee from collapsing, forcing the common man to buy a paan for Rs 500. The inflation may have been officially 14 percent and unofficially over 22 percent but the year 2011 might see it rise to close to 30 percent. That will be time for us to line up the politicians and the clergy against the wall with their backs bared for what the Taliban did to the women of Swat.
Ban the word ‘allallay-tallallay’! We say inflation comes from ‘allallay-tallallay’ – a hateful Urdu term which covers our lack of economic literacy and is on the lips of most TV anchors. But the truth is that inflation comes, not from allowing the prices to remain unsubsidised, but from subsidising them in favour of the well-heeled. The well-heeled today are the past-corrupt and prospective-corrupt opposition politicians and the Arab-funded clergy. Inflation is simply printing of money when a contracting economy produces little. Keynesianism will not work in Pakistan anyway because the state projects all end up looking like the ‘ghost schools’ of Punjab and Sindh.
The year of 2011 will see the peak of Pakistan’s only growth industry: extremism. This means that Pakistanis will kill some more Pakistanis while spouting hatred for Hindus, Jews and Christians – all somehow encapsulated in the identity of Americans. Al Qaeda and Taliban will lean back and rest while the country, shrinking like a bashful Muslim bride before being deflowered, gets itself ready for a takeover by them. Some more poor Christians will be immolated to the false gods of the Blasphemy Law.
Year of the unviable state: Pakistan in the year 2011 will get a little looser in the hinges. The Baloch and the Pakhtun dreaming of their separate states – one under the sardars who live in Karachi and the other under the Taliban who live in North Waziristan – should be reminded that when in 1947 the enthusiasts of the Pakistan Movement were told that the state they were dreaming of was unviable, they did not listen. Maybe the Baloch and the Pakhtun can be forewarned against tracing the same kind of trajectory. The outside world will tire of Pakistan in the months to come and start thinking of alternatives to Pakistan as an ally in the war against terrorism.
China will watch this happen, hardly able to cover up for all the follies of a state sick with unguided religious fervour. Pakistan will pass another year without trying to understand what makes China tick. This is a love affair where too much examination will only expose the fact that it is China which Pakistan’s extremism will target next. Our submission to Al Qaeda and our friendship with China do not make for a good chemistry of relations in the future.
Thursday, November 25, 2010
Ironies of Aasia Bibi’s Pakistan
Najam Sethi's E d i t o r i a l
The Aasia Bibi blasphemy case has caught the world’s headlines because it is full of desperate and nasty ironies. She is a Christian mother of two children, sentenced to death in a Muslim country that is notorious for making and practicing laws that persecute its minorities even as its official state religion of Islam proclaims special protection for them; whose citizens “hate” the West even as they line up outside Western embassies for work, education and tourist visas; whose governments shamelessly clamour for financial handouts from Western aid agencies even as they roundly condemn the “begging-bowl syndrome”; whose military establishment provides “safe havens” for Al-Qaeda-Taliban terrorists in North Waziristan even as it fights them in South Waziristan and Swat; whose security posture compels its strategic US ally to look upon it as both the problem and the solution for the war in Afghanistan.
Aasia’s crime: an allegedly blasphemous and angry retort to some Muslim village women who taunted her faith and her low caste by refusing to drink water from a utensil tainted by her “unclean” infidel hands. She was imprisoned for a year during trial and sentenced to death by a magistrate quaking in fear of the mullahs. The Punjab law minister, Rana Sanaullah, says that Aasia’s conviction is a miscarriage of justice. But there is deep irony here. Mr Sanaullah’s PMLN party rules in Punjab province. He has close links with hard line religious groups. In 1992, his PMLN was in power in Islamabad and mandated the death sentence for blasphemy.
At least two judges have been assassinated in the past for acquitting victims of the blasphemy laws and thirty two persons have been “extra-judicially killed” by mobs on the spot, inside prisons or outside courtrooms. According to the National Commission for Law and Justice, from the mid 1980s, when the blasphemy laws were enlarged under the regime of General Zia ul Haq, to 2009, over 960 people have been thus charged, among them 479 Muslims, 340 Ahmedis (who are prosecuted for insisting they are Muslims), 119 Christians, 14 Hindus and various others. An overwhelming 70% of such cases are situated in the “settled” areas of Punjab province. Of the nearly 2 million Christians in Pakistan, nearly half live in seven settled districts of Punjab, namely Lahore, Faisalabad, Sialkot, Qasur, Gujranwala, Sheikhupura and Toba Tek Singh.
The Penal Code was established by the British Raj in 1860. In 1927, the law for offenses against religion was beefed up to include all deliberate and malicious acts, by words or visible representations, aimed at outraging anyone’s religious feelings and the maximum punishment was extended from two to ten years and/or a fine. The aim was to clamp down on rising communal passions amidst Hindu demands for independence from the British and Muslim demands for separate electorates. The real mischief came in 1982, 1984 and 1986 in Pakistan when General Zia ul Haq increasingly relied upon the religious parties for political legitimacy and decreed so-called Islamic edicts which enveloped “desecration” of the Holy Quran and use of derogatory remarks in respect of the Holy Prophet (pbuh). The critical “willful intent” conditionality behind any such outrage, even by “innuendo or imputation or insinuation”, was removed and the sweeping punishment of death or life imprisonment was made a weapon in the hands of mullahs against their secular or mundane opponents. In time, these laws were exploited to settle property or personal disputes not just between Muslims and non-Muslims but also amongst Muslims themselves.
In 2000, another military dictator, General Pervez Musharraf, professed “enlightened moderation” to woo the West and promised to end the embarrassing exploitation of these laws. But, like Gen Zia earlier, he too reneged on his pledge when he cemented an electoral alliance with the mullahs in 2002. In the last few years, feeble anti-blasphemy law voices in parliament and civil society have been drowned out by the self-righteous and cowardly rhetoric of the majority.
To his credit, the PPP’s President Asif Zardari is considering a mercy petition from Aasia Bibi to commute her death sentence , which he is entitled to do by law, even as a High Court is about to review her conviction . As the mullahs gather to protest any dilution of the law or punishment – which has nothing to do with Islamic theory or practice because the Prophet Mohammad (pbuh) forgave all blasphemers in his time – there are two points of view in civil society: one insists that pressure should be brought to bear on the courts to acquit Aasia on the basis of due process of law and evidence, thereby institutionalizing the judiciary’s freedom from fear of the mullahs; the other wants to lean on President Zardari to send a strong signal to all and sundry at home and abroad by pardoning Aasia and pre-empting the courts.
The best course of action would be to officially protect Aasia from harm in prison, help her mount a stout legal defence in the High Court and get her acquitted, failing which the President could set her free. He could do much better by instructing his coalition partners to suitably amend an atrociously unjust and exploitative law that defames Pakistan and harms its citizens.
Monday, October 25, 2010
Murder of history- Myths, fables and lies
K K Aziz saw that ‘History’ in his beloved country had turned into sham-narratives and national myths
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A textbook, as Aziz notes, mentions Maulana Maudoodi among the “founders of the ideology of Pakistan”, when in fact the right-wing leader bitterly opposed the creation of Pakistan
K Aziz’s seminal study, ‘The Murder of History’ is essential to understand what went wrong in Pakistan. The most worrying sign of an insecure and fissured polity is when it reinvents, twists and lies about its history especially relating to its genesis and progress. K K Aziz was not an Indian nationalist, nor a screaming ideologue who wanted Pakistan to fritter away. In fact his early work The Making of Pakistan remains an essential reading on how Pakistan came into being. He believed in Pakistan despite his emotional links to the separated eastern part of the Punjab. However, at the zenith of his career he could not conceal his deep anguish and disappointment with the way ‘History’ in his beloved country had turned into sham-narratives comprising fables, myths and outright deceit.
Three brutal realities by the end of Zia era were clear: Pakistan’s military-bureaucracy complex had reinvented an ideological state based on a sectarian worldview; History was an instrument of propagating this ideology; and the jihad factories were flourishing. Jinnah’s Pakistan had been irreversibly shattered and perhaps destroyed. For K K Aziz’s generation this was nothing short of a great betrayal.
Published in the early 1990s, ‘The Murder of History’ for the first time documented a meticulous analysis of the history books taught in Pakistani schools and colleges. The book revolves around the main argument that History and Pakistan Studies curricula was nothing more political propaganda aimed at indoctrinating young minds through half-truths and blatant falsehoods.
In this study, Aziz scrutinized over 65 textbooks, which have been promoting prejudice, xenophobia and discrimination in our young children (who have grown up now). According to the Aziz, the publication of such textbooks was the responsibility of the provincial textbook boards but the National Review Committee of the Federal Education Ministry had appropriated the role of approving the ‘ideological’ content.
Aziz starts with how the Pakistan movement is disfigured. How lies about Jinnah are perpetrated (for instance about his education, leanings etc.) and how military rule and wars are glorified that too without credible facts. The most incisive part pertains to the events of 1971. Aziz questions this obviously false account found in one of the textbooks: “In the 1971 war, the Pakistan armed forces created new records of bravery, and the Indian forces were defeated everywhere.” He further traces how the Pakistani Hindus in East Pakistan are blamed for engineering anti-Urdu demonstrations during Jinnah’s time. This movement started by ‘Hindus’ had sowed the seeds of separation of East Pakistan, if the disingenuous sham-historians of the state were to be believed. Aziz questions how the great surrender of Pakistan Army in December 1971 happened apparently when our troops were bagging so-called victories on all fronts. Furthermore, Aziz also dismisses the notion that accepting Bengali cultural values, as a part of national heritage, was some sort of a national humiliation.
A textbook, as Aziz notes, even mentions Maulana Maudoodi among the “founders of the ideology of Pakistan”, when in fact the right-wing leader bitterly opposed the creation of Pakistan and called Jinnah a non-Muslim. Zia ensured that an unconstitutional overthrow of Bhutto’s government was due to an ‘un-Islamic system’. Little wonder, Al-Qaeda and its partners are busy telling us why democracy should be rejected in the Islamic Pakistan. The greatest lie as detected by Aziz’s meticulous pen relates how the arrival of Zia-ul-Haq was celebrated: “General Zia ul Haq was chosen by destiny to be the person who achieved the distinction of imposing Islamic law.... The real objective of the creation of Pakistan, and the demand of the masses, was achieved.”
Aziz also records major omissions and makes a robust effort to correct them in the later chapters. The last parts of the book analyse the impact of such chicanery on the students and on the nation at large: Assuming that three students come from one nuclear home, we have at least eight million households where these books are in daily use … Eight million homes amount to eight million parents (father plus mother), not counting other family members... In this way the nonsense written in the books is conveyed to another sixteen million persons.
After reading Murder , one is left distressed with the unethical principles that the governments and the textbook boards follow while preparing textbooks. This is not just a matter of school curricula as Aziz rather presciently argues: Some of the people bred on these books become journalists, columnists and editors of popular magazines and digests ... making all possible allowances for’ the margin of duplication, we are still left with a very conservative figure of say thirty million people being told what they should not be told and hearing what they should not hear. When we recall that this group contains within itself the social and intellectual elite and the actual or potential leadership of the country, we have nothing but stark despair staring us in the face and promising rack and ruin.
The rot has already set in. Popular media and generations raised on lies are now a formidable reality of our national discourse. Sections of print media and some TV anchors churn out such half-truths on a daily basis. Above all, the youth (as noted by many surveys) are confused about their identity with an ingrained anti-India sentiment and a vague sense of Pan-Islamic identity.
A decade and a half later when Musharraf tried to reform the curricula his attempts were foiled by powerful ideologues within the Establishment and very soon he lost the will to drive this reform. When the Aga Khan Foundation took the initiative in Karachi, the Mullahs threatened and roared. The current PPP government’s education policy makes no concrete commitment to the textbooks. Aziz’s last line remains relevant: “Is anybody listening?”
Pakistan’s existential battle is inextricably linked to the poison of these textbooks. Without a concerted effort to purge our curricula of xenophobia, jingoism and Islamo-fascism, we are simply doomed. The political elites have a small window of opportunity. If they are not going to forge a consensus on textbooks’ reform, their relevance in the long term remains uncertain. This is why K K Aziz’s legacy is formidable and needs to be reiterated every now and then.
Saturday, October 23, 2010
Hate Literature We Call Textbooks
Saturday, August 21, 2010
Sickness of flood politics - Khaled Ahmed - Friday Times
The flooding in Pakistan in July-August 2010 was a natural calamity that the equal of which it had never experienced before. The deluge came in the wake of a nationwide ‘lower-riparian’ furore, against Punjab by Sindh, and against India by a raucous ‘water-war’ lobby in Pakistan, because of scarcity of water. When the rivers overflowed after rainfall, Pakhtunkhwa-Malakand, Gilgit-Baltistan, Punjab and Sindh were inundated, dislocating 20 million people.
The scale of the calamity was clearly beyond the capacity of an administratively and financially drained state. Instead of concentrating on the crisis, the media made the nation concentrate on the revelations made about Pakistan’s double-faced strategy in Afghanistan made through an LSE research paper and ‘leaks’ in the world press. The floods were ignored and the government was pilloried after President Zardari made the politically unwise decision to leave Pakistan after the onset of the flood. He visited the UK whose prime minister had accused Pakistan of duplicity during his visit in New Delhi. The media became obsessive about ‘ghairat’ (national pride).
Welcome to flood-politics: The flood was further ignored for the following reasons. The media attacked the PPP government and used the flood scenes to emphasise – falsely – that the masses were suffering because of the government. The technique used was to make the stricken population accuse the government of not caring for their plight. The opposition joined in and focused on Zardari’s visit and its various lurid aspects like the visit to a luxury villa in Paris and staying in a posh hotel in the UK. Punjab government couldn’t do much to prevent the millions being displaced but still accused Zardari for not being around to nurse the stricken.
The truth is that there was not much the affected provinces could do. The calamity was just too big. And Pakistan’s ability to govern had been devastated by years of Taliban and Al Qaeda assaults on its cities. Another reason this capacity declined sharply was the media focus on US and India as the producers of the suicide-bombers found prowling the streets of the country. Lack of trust was endemic. Provinces wanted the centre to shell out big money for the rescue and rehabilitation of the stricken population. Punjab asked for 10 billion rupees immediately; Pakhtunkhwa asked for 25 billion. The provinces had not developed their capacity to raise their own funds.
Media repeats its overkill: The 2010 calamity was many times bigger than the 2005 earthquake. Flooding did the sort of damage that the earthquake never did. What was destroyed most crucially was the communication system. There was no way the rescuers could reach the road network. It is not true to say that the civil society did not respond. The response was there but it was delayed by the understandably slow pace of the development of logistics. Not even in Gansu, China, where the economy is growing at a high rate and national foreign exchange reserves are the highest in the world, could the flood-affected population be saved in time.
Flooding easily destabilised the country. The blame for this instability must be borne by the media which learned nothing from the overdrive it went into in 2005, accusing the then government of dereliction. The earthquake suffering was exaggerated and the government condemned during the period that the army was struggling to reach the affected areas. This time too the army – the only organised entity in the country with capacity of outreach without roads – had to take time to plan its rescue campaign. It would be difficult to fault the efforts made by it although the scale of destruction was too large even for its relatively well-equipped response.
Calamities and dismemberment: Natural calamities have not been politically good for Pakistan because of the opportunist interpretations placed on them. In East Pakistan, a historic cyclone was interpreted politically by the opposition to start a campaign that resulted in 1971 in the breakup of Pakistan. In 2005, the Musharraf government was saved by the international community that praised Pakistan for tackling its earthquake effectively. Reproducing what the media said during that crisis would shame many aggressive TV anchors and Urdu columnists today.
Pakistan destabilises itself during crises by becoming xenophobic. The UK, which was hugely maligned – the internal criticism in the UK of his gaffe in New Delhi should have been enough – ended up committing flood aid to the tune of 30 million pounds sterling. The US has committed $71 million thus far. The big friends – Arab countries (except Saudia Arabia), and China - do not yet appear on the list. (Saudia has sent two planeloads of goods and committed $100 million so far, and Chinese ambassador says his country has announced assistance.) If India offers help (New Delhi says it is ready to give $5 million) Pakistan will most probably not open the Wahga border. And if it does, it will register no gratitude because of ‘ghairat’.
Flood as punishment for sins: No one minds those who accuse the stricken population of sinning. According to Express (11 Aug 2010) chief of Jamaatud Dawa Hafiz Saeed appealed to all Pakistanis to pray to Allah and sincerely ask Him to forgive them for the sins for which He is punishing them. Similar appeals of ‘contrition of sins’ were made by Maulana Haneef Jalundhari chief of Pakistan’s top madrassa in Multan, and the father of the Pakistani nuclear bomb and great scientist, Dr AQ Khan. Surprisingly, MQM’s Farooq Sattar too has joined the chorus in misplaced populism.
Quoted in Jinnah (13 Aug 2010) Jamaat Islami chief Dr Munawwar Hassan asked the Muslims to pray for forgiveness from Allah as the floods were sent down as calamity (azab) from Allah for sins committed by them. Jihadi publication Al Qalam editorialised that floods were an indication that the nation of Pakistan had committed certain acts (lagh-zashain) that were not good in the eyes of Allah who had sent down the calamity. The editorial said that the Quran was the authority behind this opinion. Voltaire (1694-1778) blasphemed against the Church of Rome when he condemned the latter for interpreting plague as punishment for sins.
Calamity as cause of fall of government: In 2005, the banned jihadi organisations were let out to rescue people from the earthquake. It immediately led to the ouster of the NGOs from areas where the jihadis were operating. It later on led to the weakening of the position of General Musharraf within the army. His ability to control the jihadis who had tried to kill him a number of times declined, which led to the new aggression shown by Lal Masjid and its supporters within the state. After that, Sipah Sahaba staged its largest show of force in Islamabad in 2006 which was followed by Musharraf’s operation against a greatly emboldened Lal Masjid, in which he was defeated in 2007.
The jihadis are once again in the field. This time the affected areas are nearer home and the population ready to reward their efforts with loyalty to the Taliban and Al Qaeda. (Jihadi publications are back in circulation after the 2006 ban and a booklet of Al Zawahiri rejecting the Constitution of Pakistan is being mailed to people in the big cities.) Reported in Jang (11 Aug 2010) the Taliban spokesman Azam Tariq, named after a killer of the Shia in Pakistan, announced that if Pakistan returned the American aid the Talban were willing to pay $20 million as a substitute fund. And if the Pakistan government assured security, the Taliban were ready to distribute charity and do rescue and relief work in the flood-affected areas.
Talibanisation of the flood: Reported in the jihadi Jaish-e-Muhammad publication Al Qalam (13 Aug 2010) Al Rehmat Trust had gone into motion in the flood-stricken areas of Pakhtunkhwa and Punjab with its thousands of volunteers helping 3,439 victims in one week in Pakhtunkhwa. It was helping families in Nowshehra, Malakand and Akora Khatak, giving food worth Rs 1100 per family. In Punjab it was active in Rahimyar Khan, Muzaffargarh, Taunsa, Kot Addu and Leiyah. Al Rehmat, attached to Jaish-e-Muhammad, was in coordination with Al Shafi Medical Welfare Organisation.
Pakistan’s flood could be on the brink of Talibanisation, followed by a rise in the hold of the banned terrorist organisations over the masses. The Pakistan army is stretched to its limits rescuing people as well as fighting the Taliban in Waziristan and Orakzai. That Pakistan’s posture is confrontational vis-à-vis India and the US will not help in the coming days when estimates of the damage sustained by it will become public and the world will be found reluctant to help a strategically confused state.
Thursday, July 16, 2009
God to Man: your life is not sacred
After reading this article I realized that God (or Nature) is trying to tell us something about how we value human life. We have built our judicial, economic, political and health care systems on one premise that no one questions. Human life is sacred. Again and again, our systems collapse, or are collapsing, because of this one premise. For example, global warming is a result of our belief that human life is sacred. Indeed, even quality of life is sacred. Planet be damned. We are reaching 6 billion because each of the 6 billion is sacred. Another example is health care. As the article explains, health care systems must put a price on human life or they are doomed to breakdown.
The answer seems clear. Human life is not sacred, ie, priceless. God reminds us that it is not so by destroying the systems we have built on this premise alone.
The problem, as I see it, is one of self reference. We can be objective economists, putting a dollar figure on someones life when it comes to life and death questions of some imagined person. But must shed this objectivity when the person who's life is on the line is us or someone close to us.
Monday, June 8, 2009
WWDC Apple 2009
iphone:
1) digital compass
2) movie making/editing capability
3) faster processor
4) better battery life
5) Other stuff that has already been announced like cut and paste, in app payments, etc